After years of peaceful confrontation, the standoff between the pro-Western Lebanese government and Hizbullah has turned violent. When the government sent in the Lebanese army to dismantle a phone network operated by Hizbullah, the militant movement decided to fight back.
According to the head of Hizbullah, Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah, "This decision was a declaration of war and the start of war on the resistance and its weapons. Our response to this decision is that whoever declares or starts a war, be it a brother or a father, then it is our right to defend ourselves and our existence." However, Nasrallah said that his movement would stop fighting if the army withdrew from the streets.
There is a danger of the armed conflict spilling over into mixed Sunni-Shi'ite neighbourhoods in Beirut. In one such neighbourhood, Sunnis chanted "God is with the Sunnis," while Shi'ites responded with the words "The Shi'ite blood is boiling". Lebanese army soldiers acted as a barrier between the two sides.
This may be the closest Lebanon has come to a new civil war since the last one ended in 1990 (New York Times).
Let's hope it blows over. I think Hizbullah should know that the support it enjoys among Sunni Arabs would evaporate were it to start a real civil war against the government. I don't think it can afford to risk that.
Showing posts with label Lebanon. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lebanon. Show all posts
08 May 2008
Muslim teacher in NY loses job because of hate campaign
Debbie Almontaser, a Yemeni-American teacher who led the drive to set up a new public school in New York called Khalil Gibran International Academy, was forced to resign her position as principal before the school opened its doors to new students. The reason was a campaign of Islamophobia unleashed by a group that called itself the "Stop the Madrassa Coalition". The group was, in some ways, orchestrated by the Islam basher Daniel Pipes.
The school's mission was to teach Arabic as a foreign language. Almontaser's plan was to have a student body that would be half Arab-American. In all other respects, the Gibran Academy was to be a regular New York public high school. Moreover, in its emphasis in Arabic, the school was similar to dozens of other schools in New York that stress a particular language, such as Spanish or Russian.
The campaign against the Gibran Academy (named after a Lebanese Christian poet) broke out when Pipes wrote an op-ed in the New York Sun, in which he argued that "Arabic-language instruction is inevitably laden with Pan-Arabist and Islamist baggage." He also called the planned school a "madrassa", which is simply the Arabic word for "school" but, as Pipes knows very well, means an "Islamic seminary" in English. More recently, Pipes has admitted that his use of the word "madrassa" was "a bit of a stretch" and a tool he used to "get attention".
Attention he did get: a group of people, including Jeffrey Wiesenfeld, a trustee at City University of New York, gathered around Pipes, and formed the above-mentioned coalition. Having very little information about the planned school to go on, the Coalition to Stop the Madrassa dug into Almontaser's past and her personal activities, and used the information obtained to smear her online and in the media. What motivated them was a desire to stop what Wiesenfeld referred to as "soft jihad", that is, the promotion of "radical Islam", in Pipes's words, through "the school system, the media, the religious organizations, the government, businesses and the like". In other words, the mere teaching of Arabic was construed by the group as equivalent to the promotion of "radical Islam".
What helped the Coalition clinch its case was an interview with the New York Post, in which Almontaser explained that the word "intifada" meant "a shaking off". She was asked about the shirts because some teenaged members of an Arab-American women's group she belonged to had been seen selling T-shirts that said "Intifada NYC" on them. The Post misquoted Almontaser as saying that the girls selling the T-shirts had been "shaking off oppression".
That was too much for the city's Education Department to bear, and Almontaser was asked to resign by Deputy Mayor Dennis Walcott, who added that she had until 8:00 am the next day to resign, because Mayor Michael Bloomberg wanted to announce her resignation "on his radio show". Almontaser resigned, but filed a lawsuit to try to get her job back. A panel of federal judges has recently ruled that the New York Post has misreported the comments she had made to the paper.
The school did open under the direction of a different principal, Danielle Salzberg, who does not speak Arabic and soon made a name for herself with her authoritarian methods. Meanwhile, Almontaser has been assigned to a school inspection job, and has been allowed to keep her principal's pay of US $120,000 (Canadian $121,722) per year. The Coalition to Stop the Madrassa, for its part, continues to protest against the existence of the school (New York Times).
The school's mission was to teach Arabic as a foreign language. Almontaser's plan was to have a student body that would be half Arab-American. In all other respects, the Gibran Academy was to be a regular New York public high school. Moreover, in its emphasis in Arabic, the school was similar to dozens of other schools in New York that stress a particular language, such as Spanish or Russian.
The campaign against the Gibran Academy (named after a Lebanese Christian poet) broke out when Pipes wrote an op-ed in the New York Sun, in which he argued that "Arabic-language instruction is inevitably laden with Pan-Arabist and Islamist baggage." He also called the planned school a "madrassa", which is simply the Arabic word for "school" but, as Pipes knows very well, means an "Islamic seminary" in English. More recently, Pipes has admitted that his use of the word "madrassa" was "a bit of a stretch" and a tool he used to "get attention".
Attention he did get: a group of people, including Jeffrey Wiesenfeld, a trustee at City University of New York, gathered around Pipes, and formed the above-mentioned coalition. Having very little information about the planned school to go on, the Coalition to Stop the Madrassa dug into Almontaser's past and her personal activities, and used the information obtained to smear her online and in the media. What motivated them was a desire to stop what Wiesenfeld referred to as "soft jihad", that is, the promotion of "radical Islam", in Pipes's words, through "the school system, the media, the religious organizations, the government, businesses and the like". In other words, the mere teaching of Arabic was construed by the group as equivalent to the promotion of "radical Islam".
What helped the Coalition clinch its case was an interview with the New York Post, in which Almontaser explained that the word "intifada" meant "a shaking off". She was asked about the shirts because some teenaged members of an Arab-American women's group she belonged to had been seen selling T-shirts that said "Intifada NYC" on them. The Post misquoted Almontaser as saying that the girls selling the T-shirts had been "shaking off oppression".
That was too much for the city's Education Department to bear, and Almontaser was asked to resign by Deputy Mayor Dennis Walcott, who added that she had until 8:00 am the next day to resign, because Mayor Michael Bloomberg wanted to announce her resignation "on his radio show". Almontaser resigned, but filed a lawsuit to try to get her job back. A panel of federal judges has recently ruled that the New York Post has misreported the comments she had made to the paper.
The school did open under the direction of a different principal, Danielle Salzberg, who does not speak Arabic and soon made a name for herself with her authoritarian methods. Meanwhile, Almontaser has been assigned to a school inspection job, and has been allowed to keep her principal's pay of US $120,000 (Canadian $121,722) per year. The Coalition to Stop the Madrassa, for its part, continues to protest against the existence of the school (New York Times).
02 September 2007
Lebanon takes Nahr al-Bared camp
After over three months of clashes, the Lebanese army has taken the Nahr al-Bared Palestinian refugee camp, located near Tripoli. The rebel group Fatah al-Islam, which had been holed up in the camp, seems to be in disarray. Its leader, Shaker al-Abssi, has reportedly been killed, while its surviving members have fled the camp. In all, 37 rebels and five Lebanese soldiers were killed in a battle on 1 September.
Prime Minister Fouad Siniora has declared victory "over the terrorists, those who sought chaos, destruction and tragedies for Lebanon." The army has planted Lebanese flags over the camp, and Siniora has promised to reopen the camp, saying, however, that in future the camp would be run exclusively under Lebanese authority (BBC).
I hope the Lebanese army's success is permanent, and a clone of Fatah al-Islam does not appear in the camp in a few weeks' time. The best thing to do, of course, would be to give the refugees Lebanese citizenship, and integrate them into the local population. That is not, however, something that any Arab state other than Jordan has been willing to contemplate.
Prime Minister Fouad Siniora has declared victory "over the terrorists, those who sought chaos, destruction and tragedies for Lebanon." The army has planted Lebanese flags over the camp, and Siniora has promised to reopen the camp, saying, however, that in future the camp would be run exclusively under Lebanese authority (BBC).
I hope the Lebanese army's success is permanent, and a clone of Fatah al-Islam does not appear in the camp in a few weeks' time. The best thing to do, of course, would be to give the refugees Lebanese citizenship, and integrate them into the local population. That is not, however, something that any Arab state other than Jordan has been willing to contemplate.
30 July 2007
Are the Lebanese against Hamas? It depends
According to the recent Pew Global Attitudes Survey (PDF here), 67% of Lebanese respondents have an unfavourable view of Hamas. However, while 87% of Lebanese Christians and 76% of Lebanese Sunni Muslims hold that view, only 35% of Lebanese Shi'ite Muslims do.
Once again, I think the fact that 50% of Lebanese Shi'ites actually hold a positive view of Hamas (a Sunni militant group) lies in the fact that many Lebanese Shi'ites support the equally militant Shi'ite group Hizbullah.
Once again, I think the fact that 50% of Lebanese Shi'ites actually hold a positive view of Hamas (a Sunni militant group) lies in the fact that many Lebanese Shi'ites support the equally militant Shi'ite group Hizbullah.
Religious divide on Israel and Palestine in Lebanon
According to the recent Pew Global Attitudes Survey (PDF here), 49% of Lebanese respondents agree with the idea that "a way can be found for Israel and Palestinian rights to coexist". However, 70% of Lebanese Christians and 57% of Lebanese Sunni Muslims agree with this statement, but only 16% of Lebanese Shi'ite Muslims do.
If nothing else, this demonstrates what an unhealthy influence Hizbullah has been in Lebanon; the militant group's support base consists of Shi'ites, and they are the main recipients of its propaganda that rejecting peace with Israel.
If nothing else, this demonstrates what an unhealthy influence Hizbullah has been in Lebanon; the militant group's support base consists of Shi'ites, and they are the main recipients of its propaganda that rejecting peace with Israel.
Views of Sunnis and Shi'ites on Iran and Ahmadinejad
According to the recent Pew Global Attitudes Survey (PDF here), 45% of Lebanese Muslims have a fabourable view of Iran, and 39% have a favourable view of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. However, 86% of Lebanese Shi'ite Muslims have a favourable view of Iran (a majority-Shi'ite country), while only 8% of Lebanese Sunni Muslims do. Similarly, 76% of Lebanese Shi'ites have a favourable view of Ahmadinejad, while only 5% of Lebanese Sunnis do.
In Kuwait, the divide is less stark. Overall, 37% of Muslims in Kuwait like Iran, and 25% like Ahmadinejad. While 51% of Shi'ites in Kuwait have a favourable view of Iran, only 34% of Sunnis do; while 51% of Shi'ites in Kuwait have a favourable view of Ahmadinejad, only 20% of Sunnis do.
In Africa, the difference is even less pronounced, but nevertheless exists. In Mali, 50% of Muslims overall like Iran, while 42% like Ahmadinejad. However, 54% of Malian Shi'ites have a favourable view of Iran, while 44% of Malian Sunnis do; 44% of Malian Shi'ites have a favourable view of Ahmadinejad, while 38% of Malian Sunnis do.
In Nigeria, 64% of Muslims like Iran, while 61% like Ahmadinejad. However, while 81% of Nigerian Sunnis have a favourable view of Iran, 75% of Nigerian Sunnis do; while 79% of Nigerian Shi'ites have a favourable view of Ahmadinejad, 76% of Nigerian Sunnis do.
In Kuwait, the divide is less stark. Overall, 37% of Muslims in Kuwait like Iran, and 25% like Ahmadinejad. While 51% of Shi'ites in Kuwait have a favourable view of Iran, only 34% of Sunnis do; while 51% of Shi'ites in Kuwait have a favourable view of Ahmadinejad, only 20% of Sunnis do.
In Africa, the difference is even less pronounced, but nevertheless exists. In Mali, 50% of Muslims overall like Iran, while 42% like Ahmadinejad. However, 54% of Malian Shi'ites have a favourable view of Iran, while 44% of Malian Sunnis do; 44% of Malian Shi'ites have a favourable view of Ahmadinejad, while 38% of Malian Sunnis do.
In Nigeria, 64% of Muslims like Iran, while 61% like Ahmadinejad. However, while 81% of Nigerian Sunnis have a favourable view of Iran, 75% of Nigerian Sunnis do; while 79% of Nigerian Shi'ites have a favourable view of Ahmadinejad, 76% of Nigerian Sunnis do.
Religious divide in view of American culture
According to the recent Pew Global Attitudes Survey (PDF here), 71% of Lebanese respondents like American music, movies and TV. However, when broken down by religion and sect, it turns out that 87% of Lebanese Christians and 84% of Lebanese Sunni Muslims like American cultural exports, but only 37% of Lebanese Shi'ite Muslims do.
58% of Ethiopians like American cultural exports; 73% of Ethiopian Christians do, but only 36% of Ethiopian Muslims.
59% of Nigerians like American music, movies and TV; 82% of Nigerian Christians do, but only 38% of Nigerian Muslims.
54% of Malaysians like American cultural exports; 73% of Malaysian Buddhists do, but only 40% of Malaysian Muslims.
What is really interesting, apart from the religious distinctions within these countries, is the fact that many more Muslims seem to like American culture than the proportion that likes the country itself.
58% of Ethiopians like American cultural exports; 73% of Ethiopian Christians do, but only 36% of Ethiopian Muslims.
59% of Nigerians like American music, movies and TV; 82% of Nigerian Christians do, but only 38% of Nigerian Muslims.
54% of Malaysians like American cultural exports; 73% of Malaysian Buddhists do, but only 40% of Malaysian Muslims.
What is really interesting, apart from the religious distinctions within these countries, is the fact that many more Muslims seem to like American culture than the proportion that likes the country itself.
Religious divide in view of the US in Lebanon
Asked in the recent Pew Global Attitudes Survey (PDF here) about their opinion of the United States, only 47% of Lebanese respondents had a favourable view of the country.
However, when the results are sorted according to the religion and sect of the respondent, a much more nuanced picture emerges. Thus, 82% of Lebanese Christians have a favourable view of the US, as do 52% of Lebanese Sunni Muslims. On the other hand, only 7% of Lebanese Shi'ite Muslims have a favourable view of the US.
I wonder if the proportion of Shi'ites and Sunnis with favourable views of the US would be exactly the opposite in Iraq.
However, when the results are sorted according to the religion and sect of the respondent, a much more nuanced picture emerges. Thus, 82% of Lebanese Christians have a favourable view of the US, as do 52% of Lebanese Sunni Muslims. On the other hand, only 7% of Lebanese Shi'ite Muslims have a favourable view of the US.
I wonder if the proportion of Shi'ites and Sunnis with favourable views of the US would be exactly the opposite in Iraq.
21 June 2007
Lebanon reportedly defeats Fatah al-Islam
Lebanon has declared victory over the Palestinian militant group Fatah al-Islam, which it had been fighting for about a month. According to Lebanese Defence Minister Elias Murr, the Lebanese army had "crushed those terrorists". Over 150 people, including 20 civilians, were killed in the conflict between the army and Fatah al-Islam.
According to Murr, the leaders of the Palestinian group are on the run, and are being pursued by the Lebanese army (BBC).
A much-needed victory for Lebanon, as long as it sticks.
According to Murr, the leaders of the Palestinian group are on the run, and are being pursued by the Lebanese army (BBC).
A much-needed victory for Lebanon, as long as it sticks.
04 June 2007
Fatah al-Islam promises escalation
The Lebanon-based Palestinian militant group Fatah al-Islam (Islamic Conquest), which is fighting the Lebanese army in the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp in northern Lebanon, has promised to spread the conflict to the Ain el-Hilweh camp in the south of the country. At the same time, Fatah al-Islam has denied having any connection to the militant group Jund al-Sham, which recently attacked Lebanese soldiers at the southern camp (BBC).
03 June 2007
Fighting at another Palestinian refugee camp
An apparently minor Islamist Palestinian militant group named Jund al-Sham (The Army of Greater Syria) clashed with the Lebanese army on 3 June at the Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp near the southern Lebanese city of Sidon. Two people, including one civilian, were injured when a Jund al-Sham militant attacked a Lebanese army post.
According to the mayor of Sidon, Abdul Rahman Bizri, the fighting has been stopped, with the help of other Palestinian groups
Meanwhile, over 100 people have so far been killed in the fighting between another Palestinian Islamist group, Fatah al-Islam, and the Lebanese army in the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp, located near Tripoli, in the north of Lebanon (BBC).
How ridiculous is it when groups that claim to be fighting for Islam attack the army of a Muslim country that has given their people refuge since 1948?
According to the mayor of Sidon, Abdul Rahman Bizri, the fighting has been stopped, with the help of other Palestinian groups
Meanwhile, over 100 people have so far been killed in the fighting between another Palestinian Islamist group, Fatah al-Islam, and the Lebanese army in the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp, located near Tripoli, in the north of Lebanon (BBC).
How ridiculous is it when groups that claim to be fighting for Islam attack the army of a Muslim country that has given their people refuge since 1948?
03 May 2007
Nasrallah praises Winograd Commission
Hassan Nasrallah, head of Hizbullah, has expressed his "every respect" for the Winograd Commission, praising it for condemning Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's leadership failures, despite having been appointed by Olmert himself (BBC).
31 March 2007
Star Academy winner unites Iraqis
Shada Hassoun, a 25-year old Iraqi woman of Iraqi and Moroccan parentage has sparked raucous celebrations in Iraq by winning the Star Academy Middle East TV show, one of the myriad imitators of the British show Pop Idol. Sunni and Shi'ite Iraqis were united in celebrating Hassoun's victory in the final stage of the competition, where she defeated participants from Egypt, Lebanon and Tunisia (BBC).
If a pop-song competition on TV is enough to give Sunni and Shi'ite Iraqis a sense of unity, not much divides them. This response indicates to me that the majority of Iraqis are not keen on observing the sectarian differences that political groups and militias are reminding them of everyday. Let's hope the unity displayed by Hassoun's audience can be translated into other spheres of Iraqi life.
If a pop-song competition on TV is enough to give Sunni and Shi'ite Iraqis a sense of unity, not much divides them. This response indicates to me that the majority of Iraqis are not keen on observing the sectarian differences that political groups and militias are reminding them of everyday. Let's hope the unity displayed by Hassoun's audience can be translated into other spheres of Iraqi life.
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